The items listed in this chapter first appeared before 1981 and were not listed in Thomas Jefferson: A Comprehensive, Annotated Critical Bibliography of Writings About Him (1826-1980). The method used in that volume of categorizing materials under general subject headings has been dropped here since there are relatively few items to account for. Items are listed alphabetically according to the author's last name, and numeration begins with A1, with the prefix signifying ante-1981.
Reference: A1.Name: Bishop, , Joseph Bucklin.
Notes: Punctures the myth of TJ's riding unescorted to the oath-taking in 1801 as an invention of John Davis in his Travels . Edward Thornton, the British legate, described TJ's passage as "on foot" and accompanied by a body of militia, the Secretaries of the Navy and Treasury, and other political friends.
Reference: A2.Name: Black, , George F.
Notes: Reports on Gilbert Chinard's 1923 article (TJCAB # 2678) and reprints the letters of TJ, Charles, and James Macpherson printed there. Adds nothing to Chinard.
Reference: A3.Name: Bradford, , M. E.
Notes: Compares the Autobiography of Franklin, " l'homme moyen sensuel , in a very low key," with TJ's Notes . Argues that TJ, unlike Franklin, never forgets his position within an extant order which is a "`closed,' agrarian regime." Hence TJ was not a real egalitarian or "uniformitarian," and his words supporting equality and universal freedom were merely "ceremonial" articulations in the interest of amity and public peace. Claims that the touchstone to separate the authentic TJ from the merely "ceremonial" mask is the commitment to "popular sovereignty in the deepest sense." Enclosed by the extant order of ante-bellum Virginia, TJ's vision was pastoral, traditionally "a product of the submissive imagination, which says yes to the providential in the human condition" and like classic pastoral has room for "a little benevolent slavery." Does not say how much slavery a "little" is.
Reference: A4.Name: Brann, , Eva.
Notes: Thoughtful, intricately reasoned meditation about the question of equality and the significance for Americans of TJ's Declaration. Notes Lincoln's comments about the Declaration and suggests that his characterization of the "axioms of a free society" recognizes the quality of TJ's intellect "which had a peculiar power of levitation, a power of making energetic and convincing formulations without deep delving." Unlike more systematic theorists, TJ created axioms capable of surviving their time and finding a new context for later generations.
Reference: A5.Name: Brann, , Eva T. H.
Notes: Uses TJ's writings on education both as critical and exemplary texts in considering the paradoxes of education for republican citizens which treat learning as both an end in itself and as a means, which assert the need for knowledge of originating texts even as it separates itself from those origins, and which supports each citizen thinking rationally for herself or himself and thus risks the confusion of truth with opinion.
Reference: A6.Name: Carsley, , Mark K.
Notes: Not seen.
Reference: A7.Name: Chaconas, , Stephen G.
Notes: Note reviewing TJ's and Korais's acquaintance with each other and the latter's request for advice on a constitution for newly-liberated Greece. Prints three letters (in French) from Korais to TJ.
Reference: A8.Name: Church, , F. Forrester.
Notes: Study of TJ's cut and paste version of the Gospels.
Reference: A9.Name: Church, , F. Forrester.
Notes: TJ's ultimate respect for reason left no place for revelation, but his "case against the clergy was prompted by political circumstances as much as religious convictions. Men like Rush and Priestley, however, gave him new interest in Christianity as a "viable option for skeptical republicans."
Reference: A10.Name: Commager, , Henry Steele.
Notes: For the first time there was a certainty in 1960 of electing a President under 50 years of age, but many of the founders did significant service in their thirties -- TJ wrote the Declaration when he was 33. But in the eighteenth century men in their thirties were, for several reasons, already middle aged, and we should thus remember there is no easy formula to guarantee maturity.
Reference: A11.Name: Coonen, , Lester P. and Charlotte M. Porter.
Notes: Abridged version of article published in BioScience , December, 1976; original version cited as TJCAB #2711.
Reference: A12.Name: Dabney, , Dick.
Notes: TJ as the genius behind the federal city and its emergence from a wilderness. More important than his work for its design and creation is the standard of culture and civilization he set that was and is a steady reproach to the two varieties of "killer-swine" which have always infested Washington: Federalist greed heads and the low lifes who prefer idleness, crime, and self-pity to work (pretty much like the Federalists in the author's estimation).
Reference: A13.Name: Dai, , Shen Yu.
Reference: A14.Name: Dorfman, , Joseph.
Notes: Calls TJ "the great American radical" and describes him as heir to the moral tradition of secular Christianity that deprecated greed and also to the tradition recognizing that commerce was the source of wealth. Argues that he reconciles these views, gradually admitting the necessity of commerce in his later years, as in the Austin letter of 1816.
Reference: A15.Name: Downs, , Robert B.
Notes: Describes Notes in a somewhat summary fashion, the circumstances of its composition and its reception. Nothing new.
Reference: A16.Name: Drinnon, , Richard.
Notes: Also in a paperback edition, same year, New American Library; reprinted in slightly different form in 1990 by Schocken Books, New York. Argues that the racism scholars such as Winthrop Jordan and David Brion Davis have described as the basis of TJ's attitudes toward blacks informed his attitudes toward Indians as well. Points to the "elusiveness" of TJ's character and the contradictions between his rhetoric and actions and suggests that he managed to deceive himself about his own role as friend of the Indians. A strongly-argued and well-supported analysis, even if driven by a larger thesis about pervasive American racism and imperialism which leads to simplification of the loyalties and moral responsibilities that actually pulled at TJ.
Reference: A17.Name: Drukman, , Mason.
Notes: Argues that TJ and Paine "had a common way of looking at the world" in individualistic terms; this is the source of their radicalism which transformed the old vocabulary of political theory. Sees TJ as caught up in ambivalence about reason and in contradictions between theory and reality because he was unwilling to think consistently on the speculative level of political theory. Because he was more interested in freedom in a negative sense, i.e. freedom from tyranny, etc., than in a positive sense, or freedom to practice rights, his thought "would leave the national purpose essentially unchallenged." Suggestive essay at times.
Reference: A18.Name: Dumbauld, , Edward.
Notes: Notes TJ's experience as a lawyer and legal scholar and discusses his encounters with those eminent members of the New York Bar, Hamilton, Burr, and Edward Livingston.
Reference: A19.Name: Durrence, , J. Larry.
Notes: How TJ helped the Baptists win religious freedom in Virginia. Focus on the Baptists, and the usual on TJ.
Reference: A20.Name: Erol, , Mine.
Notes: Discusses the appointment in 1785 of a U.S. diplomatic commission of TJ, John Adams, and Benjamin Franklin to establish relations with the Barbary Coast States in order to end piracy and protect American merchant shipping in the Mediterranean. Negotiations led to the U.S.-Algerian treaties of 1795 and 1816. In Turkish.
Reference: A21.Name: Fitch, , James Marston.
Notes: Somewhat paradoxically praises TJ and Monticello for being "astonishingly modern" and defends him for using a classical idiom because "there was no need for novelty in architectural expression." Suggests one aspect of modern design in Monticello is the displacement of stairways and service routes from the center of the house. Sees TJ and Wright as sharing "a vision of the extended potentials of culture, a determination to employ it for the enrichment of the lives of their countrymen."
Reference: A22.Name: Fitch, , James Marston.
Notes: Focuses on TJ as architectural critic and guide; describes his vision of the university buildings as modern, functional, and ambitious. Suggests that he wished building in the new republic to be sound because that would increase social wealth, and he wanted it to be beautiful because "it shows so much--that is, the world would see our building and judge us by it." In the subsequent section on "The Roman Idiom" credits TJ's "pervasive and kindly genius" for encouraging a whole school of great American architects.
Reference: A23.Name: Frisch, , Morton J.
Notes: Compares the tension between liberty and equality seen in Hamilton's report with that found in TJ's case for agriculture as preferable to manufacturing. Describes the Report on Manufactures as a basic defense of the "acquisitive principle" and after claiming that TJ is "one of Rousseau's greatest disciples," reduces the difference between them the preference for economic diversification vs. specialization, also understood as a tension between the primacy of public prosperity vs. political moralism. Sees Hamilton as at the head of a tradition of liberty, TJ at one of equality. Too neat.
Reference: A24.Name: Gillette, , David D.
Notes: TJ's paper on the megalonyx and his subsequent charge to Lewis and Clark to look for mammoth skeletons and other unknown animals. He was disappointed when live specimens of the megalonyx and mammoth were not discovered.
Reference: A25.Name: Granquist, , Charles L.
Notes: Not seen. Granquist later became the Assistant Director of the Thomas Jefferson Memorial Association at Monticello and is quite knowledgeable about this subject.
Reference: A26.Name: Hargrove, , Eugene C.
Notes: Confronted with resistance to environmental and social concerns on the part of land owners who maintain their right to use (or misuse) their land any way they please, the author traces the genesis of this attitude from ancient German and Saxon land tenure through TJ's writings and Locke's theory of property. TJ linked his defense of allodial rights to the soil to Saxon precedents, which took a short-sighted view of the effects of using the land, and he agreed with Locke's assertion that labor on the land created property rights. This notion that right to the land was gained by transforming it worked against efforts to preserve unaltered natural landscape, such as his own protection of the Natural Bridge.
Reference: A27.Name: Hathaway, , Esse V.
Notes: Laudatory biographical sketch.
Reference: A28.Name: Hosmer, , Charles B. , Jr.
Notes: Best account of Mrs. Martin Littleton's campaign to preserve Monticello for the public (or to wrest it from the hands of Jefferson Levy, depending upon your point of view), and the later work of the Thomas Jefferson Memorial Foundation.
Reference: A29.Name: Isern, , Thomas D.
Notes: TJ was derided by partisan writers for mentioning in his November 1803 message to Congress on the Louisiana Territory the reported existence of a mountain of solid rock salt "said to be one hundred and eighty miles long." This was the product not of fiction but of misunderstanding (and some exaggeration). The original was the Big Salt Plain of the Cimarron, west of present day Freedom, Oklahoma. Zebulon Pike and Meriwether Lewis passed on such stories and claimed to have seen bushels of salt brought from there. In 1811 George C. Sibley was the first U.S. citizen to visit the site. Discusses other visitors and scientists who subsequently studied the phenomenon.
Reference: A30.Name: Jackson, , Donald.
Notes: Prints the address delivered to the Sixth Annual Banquet of the Lewis and Clark Trail Heritage Foundation. Surveys TJ's interest in and view of the West. Suggests that his record-keeping habits practiced during his travels in Europe were a model of sorts for the instructions he gave Lewis and Clark; speculates that Lewis may even have read TJ's journal.
Reference: A31.Name: Jackson, , J. B.
Notes: Describes TJ and Thoreau as proponents of Agrarian and Romantic views of the environment; TJ envisioned a rural society of egalitarian virtuous citizens, whereas Thoreau looked for rural solitude in which individuals could come to terms with their personal relationship to the environment. If the country was actually settled according to the Jeffersonian scheme of an extensive grid, itself the symbol "of an agrarian Utopia composed of a democratic society of small landowners," Thoreau's romantic vision ironically remained an urban and suburban phenomenon which tended to see the wider landscape only in terms of conservation or recreation. The Romantic landscape was equally a Utopian ideal, and if the Agrarian and Romantic Utopias died, it was "because there were no longer Utopian men to inhabit them." Suggestive. Previously printed in
Publication: Landscape
Volume: 15
Date: (Winter, 1965-66) .
Reference: A32.Name: Jaffa, , Harry V.
Notes: Discusses the apparent paradox between TJ's belief in the progress of science and the arts as strengthening liberty and his belief that the increase of cities and their artisans led to vice. Suggests that the so-called "Jacksonian Persuasion" was actually the "Jeffersonian Persuasion," but the tradition associating virtuous republics with agrarian life is as old as Plato's
Publication: Republic . TJ, however, sought to dissolve if not transcend the tension between liberty and virtue by basing the modern state on the doctrine of equal natural rights for all.
Reference: A33.Name: Jarvis, , Thomas Michael.
Notes: Compares views on foreign policy held by Washington, TJ, Hamilton, John Adams, Jay, Madison, and Monroe during the 1780's. Claims that traditional accounts have emphasized the broad agreement these men had on foreign policy while not sufficiently recognizing their differences over "how to deal with specific issues facing the nation." Discusses differences over views on the possible future direction of American commerce, how to deal with the Barbary Pirates, and the importance of navigational rights on the Mississippi. Opinions expressed by these seven in the 1780's help to explain their future actions and the later evolution of two political parties.
Reference: A34.Name: Karimskii, , A. M.
Notes: Argues that TJ's Declaration launched a revolutionary tradition that has been continued "by the best representatives of the American proletariat," but the social system of the U.S. today, dominated by "monopoly capital," works to repress both the Jeffersonian "norms of bourgeois democracy" as well as "socially progressive legislation." Discusses how interpreters of the Declaration have rewritten the Declaration as a more conservative instrument by emphasizing property rights, left out of TJ's formulation of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, and by asserting the priority of religious principles. Originally published in Russian in
Publication: Vestnik Moskovskoye Universiteta, Seria VIII, Filosofia .
Volume: no. 4,
Date: 1976.
Pages: 53-63.
Reference: A35.Name: Kenyon, , Cecelia K.
Notes: Discussion of TJ's notion of the consent of the governed as a key to the Declaration; it both participates in traditional ideas of government's legitimacy depending upon the consent of the people based upon its care for their welfare and also introduces a new understanding of popular consent by insisting upon active consent of individual members of society. Intelligent but not a heavyweight essay.
Reference: A36.Name: Ketcham, , Ralph.
Notes: TJ discussed throughout, but particularly in chapters entitled "John Adams, Franklin, Jefferson, and the Puritan Ethic" and "Conceptions of New Nationhood: Jefferson and Hamilton." As part of an overall attempt to chart the transformation of a British colonial mentality to an American national one contends in the former that a "Puritan Ethic" of devotion to "calling," diligence, frugality, and public-spiritedness underwrote national political arrangements with habits, attitudes, and values that could guide daily life. Cites TJ among others to show that this was a broadly national phenomenon and that it involved a moral suspicion of European vices even in someone attracted to European culture. Latter chapter treats TJ more fully, although more conventionally, as a person whose writings "everywhere reflected pastoral values" and opposes his concerns for a government which would enhance its citizens humanity to Hamilton's concerns for national wealth and power.
Reference: A37.Name: Knudson, , Jerry.
Notes: Discusses reviews of Fawn Brodie's biography of TJ. Professional historians who reviewed it were more skeptical than non-historians about Brodie's methods and about the assertions about Sally Hemings. Reply by Brodie on pp. 59-60. Both writers are a priori sure of their positions and the interchange is not terribly enlightening.
Reference: A38.Name: Krejci, , Oskar.
Notes: Argues that because the Declaration of Independence is the first document of broad national significance which sets forth a demand for human rights, bourgeois theoreticians often claim that the struggle to establish human rights forms the very essence of the American dream. Claims that a "critical analysis" of the American Enlightenment, especially the works of TJ and Paine, shows that from the first years of the U.S. the struggle for human rights should not be understood in the context of a developing liberalism but must be seen in the context of the ideas of revolutionary democrats. This represents the real meaning of the American Enlightenment for us from the point of view of Marxism-Leninism. In Czech; summary in Russian.
Reference: A39.Name: Lambeth, , William A.
Notes: Brief comment on TJ's high standards on education and execution in the fine arts, and a facsimile with translation of the contract he made with Michele and Jacob Raggi, sculptors of Cararra, to work on the University buildings.
Reference: A40.Name: LeCoat, , Gerard G.
Notes: Describes TJ's project first apparently articulated in 1771 to construct a burying place in the tradition of other late Enlightenment (or pre-romantic) projects to memorialize the dead. Argues that TJ's plan, which was never realized, was informed by an anthropomorphic pantheism which was linked to his version of natural religion. His proposal for a burying place which would also be a garden landscape at once sentimental and moral finds parallels in the varying works of Paul Decker, Bernardin St. Pierre, Edward Young, and Thomas Gray.
Reference: A41.Name: Lence, , Ross.
Notes: Aspires to separate the mythic TJ and the text of the Declaration by using "the methodology Willmoore Kendall called `a universal confrontation with the text.'" Claims the critical question raised by the Declaration is "Who are `the people?'" and the answer is the majority of the population. This means TJ's reference to the rights of man should not receive an individualistic interpretation but must be understood "within the broader concerns of the public good and the rights of the political community in general." The author's claim to "analytical rigor" here may strike some as ahistorical logic-chopping.
Reference: A42.Name: Levinson, , Sanford.
Notes: Review essay of Morton White's Philosophy of the Revolution (1979) and Garry Wills's Inventing America (1978). Praises each for concentrating on TJ's epistemology, i.e. the notion of self-evident truths, although they take different stands toward it. Explores their discussion of TJ as moral discourse and considers the way in which the past is or is not relevant for the present.
Reference: A43.Name: Little, , Bryan.
Notes: Discusses the building of Downing College and the East India Company's Haileybury College in the context of "Oxbridge" architectural history. Downing and Haileybury Colleges were built in the decades just before the construction of the University of Virginia, but there is not much evidence for TJ's familiarity with them. Mildly interesting but finally inconclusive and peripheral.
Reference: A44.Name: Malbin, , Michael J.
Notes: Contends that debates in the First Congress and also the positions of Madison and TJ suggest that Congress did not mean the establishment clause of the First Amendment to require strict neutrality between religion and irreligion, nor did the founders understand the free exercise of religion clause as recognizing anyone's right to claim an exemption to a valid, civil law. The discussion of TJ's position on religious freedom is somewhat unhistorical and also implies that Locke was the only important influence on his ideas in this regard. The discussion of TJ and Madison does not seem adequately to support the conclusion that the framers, unlike the recent Supreme Court, would have permitted non-discriminatory assistance to religion.
Reference: A45.Name: Mansfield, , Harvey C. , Jr.
Notes: Plays off the difference between TJ as a proponent of abstract universal truths and his genius as a partisan political leader. Argues for a basically political orientation of all of TJ's thought in the interest of human equality and contends that his political science combined institutional and sociological ways of understanding politics, often thought to be antithetical, by insisting that institutions must be kept fixed in order to secure liberty and that only a republican society could in turn preserve a fixed constitution.
Reference: A46.Name: Mayer, , J. P.
Notes: Argues for TJ's knowledge of Bodin and cites markings in his copy of Les six livres along with much less persuasive evidence. Seems to wish to find single "sources" for TJ's ideas but pulls back from claiming more direct influence for Bodin than as an early advocate of the conception of sovereignty as bounded by divine and natural law.
Reference: A47.Name: McCormick, , Thomas J.
Notes: On the career of Charles-Louis Clérisseau; touches briefly upon his collaboration with TJ. Clérisseau's volume on the antiquities of Nîmes introduced TJ to the Maison Carrée and he assisted in the preparation of the model which was shipped to Richmond as a guide for the Virginia State Capitol.
Reference: A48.Name: Medlin, , Dorothy.
Notes: Discusses Morellet's translation of the Notes which TJ later condemned as "interverted, abridged, mutilated, and often reversing the sense of the original." By considering Morellet's conception of the translator's role, the circumstances surrounding the publication of the French edition, and by making a comparison of parallel passages, the author argues that the translator's version met high standards of precision, elegance, and literary ethics. Valuable study of the French publication of Notes.
Reference: A49.Name: [Meier, , H. A.]
Notes: Summarizes an interview, done as a Voice of America broadcast, with Meier about TJ and technology.
Reference: A50.Name: Muller, , Virginia Lewis.
Notes: Chapter four examines the democratic implications of a doctrine of perfectibility as revealed in the writings of TJ, who, the author contends, stressed the concept's highly individualistic affirmation of self-determination.
Reference: A51.Name: Musselman, , Gunner.
Notes: Actually, it's the supposed branches of the tree, not roots. Uncritically finds Brodie's history persuasive, notes the Ohio connection by way of Madison Hemings. Hemings descendants now in Ohio have rebuffed amateur historians' inquiries.
Reference: A52.Name: Neswold, , G. T.
Notes: TJ, Franklin, and John Marshall kept active, lived in the present, and lived with zest.
Reference: A53.Name: Nichols, , Frederick D.
Notes: Account of TJ's original design and construction of the University of Virginia buildings, subsequent changes, and the most recent restoration. The aim of the restoration has not been to duplicate TJ's originals but to modernize what must continue to be a vital part of the University. Additions to the original buildings required by subsequent generations have been kept, but a central concern has been to recapture TJ's "masterly architectural spaces." Illustrated.
Reference: A54.Name: Oliver, , John W.
Notes: Survey of TJ's scientific interests. The usual summary.
Reference: A55.Name: Ophuls, , William.
Notes: Describes the possibilities of Hamiltonian vs. Jeffersonian citizenship. Claims America took the former path, one of commitment to commercial complexity and national power vs . TJ's line of agrarian simplicity and individual virtue. Calls for a "neo-Jeffersonian" response of frugality and fraternity. Somewhat naive and limited view of TJ, but an interesting attempt to draw upon his authority.
Reference: A56.Name: Otis, , William Bradley.
Notes: Conventional sketch; claims that if TJ were alive in 1956 he would surely be a Democrat in sympathy "with desires for more widespread, increased, economic well-being," but he would be critical of some aspects of the latter days of the New Deal.
Reference: A57.Name: Padover, , Saul K.
Notes: Discusses the impact of Jeffersonian ideals on higher education. Not seen.
Reference: A58.Name: Parsons, , Howard L.
Notes: A Marxist analysis, arguing that TJ and the Declaration were important in so far as they prepared the way for the socialist revolutions in the twentieth century. Sees TJ as a forerunner of Marx and Engels and the theory of natural rights as anticipating the materialist view that human bodily needs collectively united are the prime driving force of human history. Although TJ was a "dialectical thinker" to a limited degree, he "was born too soon to realize that the declining class of feudalists was rapidly being displaced by a rising class of capitalists who would vex and vitiate the people more extensively and viciously than George III had done." Basically an apologetic which tries to have TJ and Marx too, but does by simplifying each of them.
Reference: A59.Name: Pearson, , Samuel C.
Notes: Discusses Franklin, TJ, and John Adams, and claims that, while ambivalent, they were less hostile to organized religion than has sometimes been suggested. They saw their kind of religious thinking as essential for the preservation and usefulness of Christianity in a democratic national life. TJ was Unitarian, rationalistic, moralistic, anticlerical, and anti-confessional, but not hypocritical, antireligious, or anti-Christian.
Reference: A60.Name: Peterson, , Merrill D.
Notes: Claims that American freedom was consolidated and preserved as a result of the political controversies epitomized in the clash between TJ and Hamilton. Freedom triumphs in the revolution of 1800; the usual story.
Reference: A61.Name: Pfeffer, , Leo.
Notes: Describes the passage of TJ's Virginia Statute for Freedom of Religion as an expression of his unswerving "devotion to the principle of complete independence of religion and government." A prominent exponent of the "broad" interpretation of the First Amendment, Pfeffer and his portrayal of TJ have come under some attack from conservative proponents in favor of a narrower view of the limits on governmental relations with religion. Despite some enthusiastic overstatement (such as that quoted above) which opens him to criticism, he seems to give a more accurate account of TJ than most of his critics.
Reference: A62.Name: Phipps, , William E.
Notes: Claims that TJ believed the natural right of self-preservation imposed an obligation to protect the lives of others, and therefore citizens have the duty to change a government that has abrogated the social contract. He held that political obligation could be strengthened by developing a well-educated citizenry, encouraging democratic participation, and limiting government. States that he can be faulted for limiting political participation to white males and for his view that national sovereignty is ultimate. Does not clearly or convincingly demonstrate that TJ had a sense of "political obligation" which worked in terms of one person's responsibility toward another as claimed here; instead, the obligation is to defend liberty, something rather different.
Reference: A63.Name: Pierard, , Richard V.
Notes: Suggests that some evangelical publicists have exaggerated the Christian commitment of some of the founding fathers. Discusses the deism of Franklin, TJ, and Washington, and warns against distortion of the past in the interest of finding Christian roots. TJ "can in no way be classified as a Christian founding father."
Reference: A64.Name: Reck, , Andrew J.
Notes: Sees the Declaration as "the culmination of fifteen years of revolutionary struggle," and asserts its importance for defining human rights as natural rights. Fundamental to the revolution expressed in the Declaration is the proposition of the natural equality of man. Too brief to do justice to the issues and has little to say about TJ as author.
Reference: A65.Name: Reck, , Andrew J.
Notes: If the Declaration is viewed as "a structure of cognitive meanings," it has two main parts, a general philosophy of government and a theory of the British Empire. Offers a survey of representative thinkers to show that its philosophy of government was generally accepted in America, even by opponents of Independence, but its theory of British Empire was shared only by the patriots. The Declaration thus expresses the American mind at the moment of the birth of the American nation, but a mind expressing itself is a mind making itself up, i.e. rejecting what can not be harmonized with or subordinated to its decisive conclusion. Hence this expression of mind excluded Loyalist/Tory conservatism for the moment, but the resurfacing of these excluded strains in later years argues that the Declaration is not the only expression of the American mind forever thereafter. TJ's "harmonizing sentiments," however, express the American mind not by duplicating its contents but by proclaiming what is morally best in it, its appeal against discredited institutions and its appeal to reason as exercised in the individual mind.
Reference: A66.Name: Rice, , Otis K.
Notes: Scholarly introduction to Jacob's 1826 defense of Cresap (see #2918 in TJCAB ) covers the events in Lord Dunmore's War leading up to Logan's speech, its transmission, and the controversy evoked by TJ's use of it in Notes . Concludes that much of TJ's evidence appeared "irrefutable, and his honest and sincere effort to get at the truth disarmed many of his critics." Luther Martin's efforts to use this issue to discredit TJ failed, and Jacob wrote his book mostly in response to Joseph Doddridge's Notes on the Settlement and Indian Wars of the Western Parts of Virginia & Pennsylvania (1824).
Reference: A67.Name: Risjord, , Norman K.
Notes: Biographical sketch in text growing out of a course on "Representative Americans," offered first by Bernard Mayo at the University of Virginia, later by the author at the University of Wisconsin.
Reference: A68.Name: Roeber, , Anthony Gregg.
Notes: Challenges the notion that Virginia almost uniformly endorsed the Revolution and saw little social upheaval and claims that fundamental changes were effected by the reforms instituted by TJ and the Committee for the Revisal of the Laws in 1776-79. Misleading impressions that little political or social change accompanied the revolution in legal thinking were fostered by those Virginians who by 1805 saw the assault on the county magistracy as a threat to the Commonwealth's cultural life. Lawyers like TJ who had grown to maturity in the 1750's and 1760's led the attack on the local courts but their reform efforts were only partly successful. Only peripherally on TJ but useful background.
Reference: A69.Name: Rutland, , Robert A.
Notes: Discusses TJ's influence on Madison's reading interests and compares their bookbuying practices. TJ encouraged Madison's acquisition of books and shared an interest in many of the same topics. Madison was more constrained by his pocketbook than was TJ, but a full description of his library has not survived.
Reference: A70.Name: Shawen, , Neil McDowell.
Notes: Examines in considerable detail how Charlottesville came to be chosen as the site for the University of Virginia. A central location was critical to his evolving concept of the state university, and he increasingly identified "centrality" with Albemarle County as he progressively abandoned notions of transforming William and Mary into his ideal institution and encountered schemes for national and international education. Discusses his work on the governing board of the Albemarle Academy and the elevation of that school to the status of a college. Also considers deliberations in the General Assembly on the university issue and the eventual victory of TJ and his ally Joseph C. Cabell over rivals from Staunton and Lexington.
Reference: A71.Name: Skidmore, , Max J.
Notes: Describes TJ as "fully within the liberal tradition," but also as inconsistent. Conventional treatment, too brief to open up complex issues.
Reference: A72.Name: Smith, , John E.
Notes: Analyzes thoughtfully the philosophic implications of the Declaration but does not confront TJ directly. Sees the Declaration as a touchstone for the evaluation of the American situation at any given time as well as the articulation of a philosophy of freedom which supports American civil society. Discusses the notion of unalienable rights and the specific rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, and comments on some major problems resulting from the individualism at the heart of the Founder's political philosophy, on the instrumental concept of government implied by their philosophy, and on the ill-founded optimism that the establishment of liberty would necessarily lead to equality.
Reference: A73.Name: Snyder, , Martin D.
Notes: In an essay on the imposition of the physical image of antiquity on the American scene compares TJ to Benjamin West and Horatio Greenough. Where West only hoped for an emulation of classical virtue, TJ sought to revive the form itself of the Roman republic, as evidenced by the Capitol for Virginia. By the time of Greenough's portrait of George Washington classical values were no longer intelligible as they had been to TJ and his contemporaries.
Reference: A74.Name: Sobel, , Samuel.
Notes: In a collection of essays about Commodore Uriah P. Levy, these two focus on Levy's admiration of TJ and his purchase of Monticello and efforts to restore it and preserve it for the people of the United states and on his commissioning of the statue of TJ by David d'Angers and his subsequent presentation of it to the U.S.
Reference: A75.Name: Sommer, , Frank H. , III.
Notes: Places TJ's proposal for a grotto in a larger tradition of neo-Palladian architecture (not Palladian per se , since TJ seems to have been influenced less by Palladio than by his interpreters). Argues that the theories of neo-Palladian, "regular" architects such as Giacomo Leoni, Colin Campbell, and Robert Morris fundamentally shaped a Jeffersonian campaign to lead an architectural revolution in Virginia. Sees TJ's comments on Virginia Architecture in Notes as a manifesto of sorts in favor of a displacement of vernacular architecture by "regular" architecture based on classical precedent.
Reference: A76.Name: Stokes, , Anson Phelps.
Notes: Honors TJ as the author of the "Bill for Establishing Freedom of Religion" and for his belief in the necessity of preserving the independence of church and state from each other. A similar statement appears in the revised, one-volume edition prepared with Leo Pfeffer, New York: Harper & Row, 1964. 52-55.
Reference: A77.Name: Stroh, , Guy W.
Notes: Sees TJ as central to the American Enlightenment, its "most influential and brilliant mind." In a brief compass gives a good overview of his moral thought, focusing on the role of the moral sense, the concept of natural rights, and his support for freedom of belief. Argues that the greatest shortcoming of the American Enlightenment, and TJ's as ethical thinker, was the failure to abolish slavery, although agrees with Commager's claim that TJ did more for the cause of abolition than any of the other founding fathers.
Reference: A78.Name: Stuckey, , William K.
Notes: TJ visits a Washington D.C. saloon, circa 1980, to engage in a political conversation with habitues who despair at the choices of presidential candidate in the coming election. His suggestion for a campaign theme for 1980: "An end to emptiness."
Reference: A79.Name: Szyszkowski, , Waclaw.
Notes: In Polish. Account of the founding of the U.S. focused on the careers of Washington, Hamilton, and TJ.
Reference: A80.Name: Takaki, , Ronald T.
Notes: The author understands culture as synonymous with Gramsci's notion of cultural hegemony and aspires to answer the question, "How did white men in nineteenth-century America repress or `mutilate' themselves, become `less' than they `were,' and construct a culture of `self-renunciation' and `alienation'? And how did this process of domination produce a rage so intense it overwhelmed even rationality itself?" Argues for a TJ driven by reason (misstating the implications of the moral sense philosophy in order to do so), who felt threatened by the differences women, blacks, and Indians opposed to a homogenized republican society. Important attempt to link TJ's attitudes to blacks with those he held toward Indians, but the author is too driven by a somewhat simplistic Marxist thesis to give a sufficiently thick or nuanced description of TJ's thought and practice.
Reference: A81.Name: Tallmadge, , Thomas E.
Notes: Dated survey of the period, focusing on TJ. Denies his lasting influence on American architecture and claims that his infinite capacity for taking pains did not prevent him from being taken in by the "falsity" of the Palladian style. "Monticello and the professors' houses have many technical errors and an unpleasant heaviness."
Reference: A82.Name: Thompson, , Daniel Pierce.
Notes: Anecdote from Thompson's 1822 visit during which TJ purports to have recognized the "coldness, cunning, and perfidy" of Burr's character at their first meeting. This probably attests more to TJ's residual bitterness over the Burr affair than to the accuracy of his memory.
Reference: A83.Name: Thompson, , J. Earl, Jr.
Notes: Argues that the denominations should be "sympathetic critics" of American civil religion, reaffirming its best ideals, values, and practices while exposing its perversions and distortions. Its strengths include an emphasis on individual moral development, democratic egalitarianism, felt responsibility to share material abundance with the less fortunate, and guarantees of freedom of belief and worship; the most persistent violations of these have resulted from racial prejudice which has "perverted the religion of the Republic into an arrogant white Americanism." Discusses TJ and Lyman Beecher as exemplars of the combination of racist ideas and national spirit, and argues that black studies can contribute "to halting the degeneration of the religion of the Republic" by "renewing of the prophetic spirit of this religion" and "the rekindling of the commitment of its supporters to lofty ideals."
Reference: A84.Name: Troianovskaia, , M. O.
Notes: Discusses the Summary View as a basis for the Declaration, and argues that TJ articulated there a radical version of the argument between the colonies and the British parliament which influenced the subsequent development of party differences in the United States. In Russian.
Reference: A85.Name: Wiesen, , David S.
Notes: Survey of changing attitudes toward history as part of the university curriculum ends with TJ's ideas for the University of Virginia where the tendency to separate the study of ancient history from the study of classical languages culminates.
Reference: A86.Name: Wright, , Louis B. and Julia H. Macleod.
Notes: Sidi Soliman Mellimelli was an envoy sent by the Bey of Tunis in 1805. He and his gaudily dressed and flamboyant retinue at first were a public sensation but were later seen as a nuisance because of their drinking, brawling, and expense. TJ and Madison, the Secretary of State, had great difficulties in getting them to return home.
Reference: A87.Name: Wynne, , Edward A.
Notes: Shows TJ's ability to adapt promptly and appropriately to problems of student disorder in 1825 at the University, and compares it to our contemporary society's apparent unwillingness to let go of simplistic illusions about the same problem in our time.