Reference: 234.

Notes: If TJ was not the first American to collect and study vertebrate paleontological remains, he was more than any other American responsible for popularizing the subject and for preserving many fossil specimens. His interest developed as he began preparing the manuscript of Notes on the State of Virginia , and over the next three decades he expended considerable time, effort, and financial expense in pursuing new finds. An authoritative account, describing his interest in the finds at Big Bone Lick and elsewhere, the megalonyx, and his support of the American Philosophical Society's collection. Illustrated.

Reference: 235.

Notes: Argues that TJ did not ignore the regular military establishment but undertook a political reform of it in order to insure its loyalty to the new regime, for which he had ample reason for concern. Recognizing the necessity for regular forces, he aimed to Republicanize the army by appointing Republican officers at every opportunity, by winning over moderate Federalists, and ultimately by expanding the force and adding new Republican officers. The creation of a military academy was a means to train poorly prepared but politically correct young men, and the 1808 expansion of the army allowed more Republicans to be appointed to senior positions. Understanding TJ's actions as an effort to Republicanize the army resolves the paradoxes generated by earlier views that focused on an anti-army bias. Published in 1987 and noted below.

Reference: 236.

Notes: TJ's "Pell Mell Etiquette" instituted at the White House during his presidency "succeeded chiefly in giving everyone equal offense," although it was a pioneering attempt to devise a code of manners for a democratic, egalitarian society. Despite the author's sometimes brittle wit, this is a thoughtful attempt to work through the principles of a Jeffersonian, democratic etiquette defining a social realm in which "all citizens are ... accorded equal dignity."

Reference: 237.

Notes: Genealogical study of one of TJ's great great grandfathers and his descendants.

Reference: 238.

Notes: Contends that Madison and TJ wanted to check "Aristotlean sedition," the conscious attempt to change a regime's principles or constitution, by providing a stronger basis for the rule of law and restraints on power. They rejected the British variety of constitutionalism because they did not want the politics of those in office at any given moment to overwhelm fundamental law. In the Progressive Era J. Allen Smith, Herbert Croly, Walter E. Weyl, and Woodrow Wilson attempted to loosen these restrictions in order to attempt major reforms in American law and society. Consequently an uneasy tension exists between that part of our tradition which favors constitutional restraints on power and that which opposes them. A political science dissertation which seems to overlook some traditional historical questions--whatever happened to the Federalists?

Reference: 239.

Notes: Notes the tendency of recent scholarship to deny the significance of the Declaration as either the expression of the dominant political thought of the Revolution or of the principles upon which American democracy rests. Argues against this that the Declaration embodies the republican spirit of the Revolution which TJ and the other founders held to be essential to healthy political life and viable self-government. Explores the extent to which TJ's statesmanship was concerned with preserving this spirit from decay or oblivion after the Revolution.

Reference: 240.

Notes: Illuminates TJ's invocation of equality in the Declaration by looking at the social and historical context of this concept in Virginia. Shows a Virginia with "a divided heritage;" if Virginians were caught up in slavery and deference politics, they also had "space enough for free individuals to feel their own strength." Nothing new, but well-grounded in up to date scholarship and intended for secondary and lower-level undergraduates.

Reference: 241.

Notes: Juvenile. Illustrations by Allan Eitzer. A hero for primary grade readers.

Reference: 242.

Notes: Points to disparity between myths about idyllic farmers and the actualities of farm life. Discusses TJ as a formulator of the rural ideal and exposes some inherent contradictions in his most famous statements about farmers (in Notes and the 1785 letter to John Jay). They reflect a distrust of human relationships and yet commit farmers to a world of trade and commerce in order to obtain manufactured goods; his implicit praise for small landowners is belied by the size of his own establishment, and his work as an experimental farmer confirms his recognition of the need for cooperation in agricultural societies. Also considers his changing views on agriculture and manufactures as well as the considerable array of predecessors who contributed to the rural myth of America.

Reference: 243.

Notes: Argues against those who claim to discover a unity between theory and experience in TJ as well as against interpreters who see simply contradiction; claims instead that TJ's writing, particularly in Notes , demonstrates an "antithetical unity" in which theory and experience "are bound together in a dynamic, internally contradictory whole, in which the function of experience is its interruption and resistance of thought's tendency toward complacent self-enclosure and self-consistency." By employing a "diverse cognitive repertoire" of sometimes discrepant understandings, TJ is simultaneously able to discover sufficient categories for the object of his attention even as he can suggest that the object retains a mysteriousness, a plurality of possibilities beyond the limits of any single category. He also, as the treatment of Native Americans and blacks reveals, voices historically particular attitudes even as he suspects his attitudes are historically determined, and parallel to this movement of self-correction is his vision of a republic defined not by an homogeneous vision of society but by the free argument of endlessly recurring differences. A rich and stimulating essay.

Reference: 244.

Notes: Uses Kenneth Burke's rhetorical theory to examine the first inaugural speeches by Washington, TJ, Lincoln, Franklin Roosevelt, and Kennedy. Demonstrates the presence of image patterns of time, space, violence, and transcendence. Concludes that the inaugural speeches communicate transformation of identity by defining the people, defining the relationship between them and the President, and by defining their joint purpose. Hardly surprising.

Reference: 245.

Notes: TJ as host. The usual treatment.

Reference: 246.

Notes: Discusses the University of Virginia buildings and Monticello as examples of TJ's desire to create national building models for the American landscape. A richly suggestive essay which considers TJ's ability to adapt European traditions to a specific American environment and which argues that his buildings take on a more convincing unity when viewed as parts of larger ensembles within an uncommitted landscape. Sees the precedents for the University as "a brilliant body of French and English architecture," including chateaux, hospitals, and prisons, and not one building alone. Discusses siting, proportion, and detailing of both achievements as well as the historical relationships between earlier and later American approaches to inhabiting landscapes.

Reference: 247.

Notes: Conventional discussion of TJ's Indian policies and of the checkered history of a letter of April 11, 1806 given to a delegation of Osages, Missouris, Kansas, Otoes, Pawnees, Iowas, Sioux, Potawattomies, Foxes, and Sacs.

Reference: 248.

Notes: Portrays TJ as a rationalist, a rejector of Christianity's claims to supernatural origins, and a philosophical materialist.

Reference: 249.

Notes: Out of concern that America is becoming increasingly "de-Christianized" by liberal, secularist intellectuals, the "ACLU mentality," etc. argues that the First Amendment was really intended to promote freedom for religion. In this context, however, does not confront TJ's ideas about religious freedom and the wall of separation, but instead tries to rescue him for the conservative position as one determined to safeguard society against radical change. Unlike Hamilton, however, he was unwilling to admit the necessity for moral leadership and example of an elite. Relies primarily on secondary sources.

Reference: 250.

Notes: Argues that examination of TJ's and John Taylor's writings reveal essentially the same model of agrarian political economy which is found in Greek and Roman literature. Claims neither abandoned his classical republican heritage, but TJ ultimately saw what Taylor would not: Madison's version of political economy with more room for domestic commerce and manufactures would be necessary to secure the republic. Agrees with Drew McCoy's analysis, described as an attempt to reconcile the positions of Joyce Appleby and J.G.A. Pocock. Claims for the essentiality of the classical model are not well considered and are supported rather more by appeals to the authority of other scholars of a conservative bent than by thoughtful argument.

Reference: 251.

Notes: Sowerby's identification of over 150 books bound for TJ by John March between 1801 and 1807 is at least partly erroneous. March died June 2, 1804, and John Milligan, who did a great deal of binding work for TJ, was the administrator of his estate and seems likely to have used March's tools.

Reference: 252.

Notes: The answer is yes; surveys TJ's gardening and farm interests, but adds nothing new.

Reference: 253.

Notes: Claims that in the years after 1783 "pacifism emerged as a prime civic virtue," a recognition that "the greatest threat to liberty was neither tyranny nor anarchy, but war itself." Cites TJ, Benjamin Rush, Joel Barlow, and others. Not much on TJ.

Reference: 254.

Notes: Draws a strong contrast between TJ and Benjamin Thompson, Count Rumford, who shared interests in science but were seemingly opposed on everything else. They took opposite approaches to the issue of poverty: TJ sought to eliminate by means of free land and free education in order to assure independence and a classless society, but Rumford aimed to provide housing, food and work for the urban poor, relieving poverty in order to preserve an aristocratic society. Ironically, TJ is the hero of the common man while Rumford is remembered only as the inventor of soup kitchens, although the latter's ideas worked and TJ's didn't. Because this essay does not consider the different situations posed by Munich and America in the 1790's, the comparison is of limited value and its conclusions seem a bit simplistic, especially in its reliance upon cliches of Jefferson scholarship.

Reference: 255.

Notes: Not seen. Presumably a reprinting of similarly titled article by this author, first printed in 1983 (# 143 above).

Reference: 256.

Notes: Calls for awareness of how TJ reconciled inheritance of rhetorical and philosophical conventions with his own beliefs and stylistic habits, particularly his conception of nature as stable and quiescent beneath a dynamic appearance. His insistence that stable principles untainted by history were discernible within history itself motivated the rhetorical designs of Notes as well as his major political pronouncements, but at the same time his thought about nature and humane nature was profoundly dualistic in its fears of turbulence and longing for harmony. He feared that moral, financial, and even sexual economies would capitalize or devalue as one, and, claims the author, a sexual anxiety underlay his worries about Americans' corruptions by an "unnatural" commercial process. He tended to see blacks and women as threats to a pastoral and heterogenous world attuned to the underlying principles of nature. Author qualifies this anxious, authoritarian TJ by pointing to the "mixed intentions" of Notes .

Reference: 257.

Notes: Contends that TJ mythologized Indian culture by appropriating the scheme of old and new dispensations from its Christian prophetical and typological context and adapting it to both connect and distinguish tribal kinship groups under natural law from societies under civil and republican rule. He saw the Indians as natural men who "were to be yeomanized, republicanized, and gathered in the garden of the American West in preparation for the global concord that was Jefferson's political and economic ideal." Sees TJ as projecting his own anxieties about white Virginia culture onto the Indians and claims that his paternalistic and pedagogical rhetoric masks a deep ambivalence about the Indians, particularly after the Louisiana Purchase. While these are not totally novel opinions, this essay is shrewd and insightful in detail.

Reference: 258.

Notes: Detailed account of TJ's receipt of fossil bones from the supposed "megalonyx" and his subsequent report to the American Philosophical Society. He revised the report "only hours before he presented it" because he had read Georges Cuvier's essay on the megatherium, recently unearthed in Paraguay. His hasty speculations about a great lion collapsed when he read Jose Garriga's full account of the megatherium, a sort of giant ground sloth, but he hung on to frontier folklore accounts about a giant cat of some kind.

Reference: 259.

Notes: Notes that TJ's support for universal education went along with an elitist scheme that repeatedly and drastically narrowed the flow of students moving up. Attempts to deal with this paradox lead to at least three views of our present day reality: all students should be treated equally; the slowest learners should get extra resources; the quickest learners should receive a larger shore of the resources. There are contrasting advantages, particularly between the last two views, and we tend to favor inverse proportionality when supporting the kind of education that holds society together and direct proportionality when we allocate technical training. This is an argument implicit, perhaps, in TJ's pyramidical scheme.

Reference: 260.

Notes: Account of archaeological work at Monticello under the author's direction. Of several similar articles by this author, this is notable for its useful illustrations, particularly helpful in making the locations of archaeological finds clear to those who might never have visited Monticello or not visited it recently.

Reference: 261.

Notes: Account of the expansion of the University of Virginia campus discusses the architectural implications of TJ's original design and some of the subsequent failures to consistently follow up on his inspiration. Notes a renewed attention to the Jeffersonian tradition in recent years, however.

Reference: 262.

Notes: Account of the Hemings family, particularly after TJ's death. Adapted in part from a chapter of the author's forthcoming book (published in 1987, see below).

Reference: 263.

Notes: Description of the University of Virginia campus and the restoration of Hotel D on the East Range as a residence for Dean Jacquelin Taylor Robertson of the School of Architecture. Photographic illustrations.

Reference: 264.