Scriptural Reasoning and War: A Response to
Kelsay and Ahmed
Peter Dula,
Eastern Mennonite University
Kelsay's basic argument is stated clearly at
several points in his essay. 'Whenever fighting is
authorized by the command of God, participation
becomes a measure of faithfulness, and thereby serves
as a means by which God forms a people able to call
humanity to that submission to God's will signified
by the term Islam'. The first half of the claim seems
less interesting than the second if only because it
is hard to imagine an interlocutor insisting that
disobedience to divine command should be considered
faithful. That obeying God's commands is a measure of
faithfulness is a tautology. Perhaps Kelsay means to
emphasize that divine command is the only
criterion of a just war. That is, a war could not be
justified (or condemned) on the basis of human
discernment about relative wretchedness, probability
of success or other criteria. The Prophet and his
community of exiles in Medina did not choose to turn
to violence because they came to realize that they
were at the point of last resort. They did so because
they were commanded to do so in 4.75. The corollary,
which presumably Kelsay wants us to see, is that
fighting can and should be vigorously refused when it
cannot be clearly and directly tied to divine
command. The next, untaken, step in Kelsay's argument
would, presumably, be to let us know what that looks
like.
But that reading of Kelsay probably won't do given
his claims about the nature of 'Shari'a reasoning,'
which concerns the discernment of God's command
through the weighing of criteria. 'Ascertaining the
conditions under which war is "just" and thus becomes
a means by which God forms the ideal community is the
point of Shari'a reasoning.' It is curious then that
Kelsay says so little about those conditions or about
that mode of reasoning. In fact, the next section of
the paper tells us that Shari'a reasoning is
relatively unconcerned with the justice of war.
Having written about this in more detail elsewhere,
Kelsay perhaps has good reason for not wishing to
repeat himself here. But, given the topic, shouldn't
he at least say a word or two about whether
'wretchedness' has anything to do with ascertaining
the conditions of just war?
We are left with one other explicit criterion:
community formation. War, when waged in response to
divine command, is 'a means by which God forms a
people.' But like Kelsay's other central claim
(obedience is a measure of faithfulness), 'war is a
means of community formation,' tells us remarkably
little. It only makes it worse to add that this is an
illustration of Durkheim's basic thesis. Reading
scripture ought to move us away from cliché, not
further embed us in them. To offer my own amateur
sociological platitude, war always serves
community formation (usually by simultaneously
serving community division.) Those of us who are U.S.
citizens in the years after September 11 are well
aware of this. The important questions are how
it does so, and what kind of community.
Platitudes are useful if they prepare us for
difficult questions. Is it conceivable that God might
forbid a war that serves community formation?
Alternatively, why not simply 'obedience' regardless
of the consequences for the community? What sort of
prudential judgment lets us know when the survival
and expansion of the community has displaced
faithfulness to the command of God? Given that
generally speaking, war has always been louder and
more persuasive than God, won't the demand for divine
sanction produce more gods, not fewer wars? Not only
doesn't Kelsay help us with any of this, his
formulation encourages the possibility. Asserting
that 'if armed struggle only serves to establish new
forms of tyranny, then it is worthless' only
patronizes the reader. No one needs the Qur'an to
tell them that. We need help acknowledging and
negotiating the reality that, first, war does in fact
tend toward tyranny, and second, all the more so when
the rulers are given permission to exploit divine
command in the name of 'community formation.'
How would a scriptural reasoning approach differ
from Kelsay's? Instead of offering generalizations
about SR 'method', I can simply refer us to Rumee
Ahmed's remarkable example of the SR approach. What
does he do? In one verse, Ahmed locates several
textual ambiguities and uses them to generate a
lengthy proliferation first of questions and second
of possibilities. By trusting the text to speak to
him, that is, trusting that the text, even a snippet
of it, is divine revelation, he generates several
densely packed and deeply instructive pages of his
own. To use a Christian analogy, in Ahmed's hands,
the five loaves and two fish of 4.75 become a banquet
fit for 5000. How does that happen? In what follows I
summarize what Ahmed says, but I am more interested
in the how of his essay than the what.
Ahmed begins by noting that three of the central
nouns in the verse are ambiguous. Who are the 'you'
that do not fight? Who are 'the wretched?' And what
or which is 'this town'? Ahmed spends most of his
time on what he calls the 'universalist' response to
these questions. The 'you' is a universal 'you',
directed toward all who hear the cry of the
'wretched'. And if it is a universalist 'you', is it
also a universalist 'wretched'? Are we enjoined to
constantly listen for the cry of the oppressed and
dedicate our lives to fighting the causes of
oppression? But how do we discern what constitutes
wretchedness? Does the 'you' assume that the
addressee is not also wretched? Since the verse
identifies the wretched who cry out to the Lord, does
it mean we are not responsible for those who do not
cry out to the Lord or who cry out to Lords other
than Allah? How do we know when those who cry out to
the Lord for rescue are indeed in need of rescue and
when they are, for example, 'self-serving politicians
with promises of oil revenue'? Finally, are 'the
wretched' always elsewhere? 'This city' is for the
reader in a universalist mode, always 'that city'. It
isn't the reader's hometown. Rather the reader is
being sent from home to fight for the oppressed in
other towns. The universalist reading, in sum, is 'an
exhortation to struggle against injustice broadly
defined'.
Is there an advantage to reading the text in this
universalist mode? Perhaps the more obvious reading
would be the historical one. Here the 'you' is the
community of early Muslims who went with Muhammad to
Madinah. The wretched are those Muslims left behind
in Makkah, 'this city', suffering under the Quraysh.
'Wretchedness' is not a material condition so much as
it is the atmosphere of polytheism. The ragtag
community gathered around Muhammad in Madinah is, at
least on most definitions, also wretched, just
insofar as they are poor, suffering and powerless.
But they are not among 'the wretched' of this verse.
Wretchedness, therefore, is not simply living in a
situation of oppression; it is being surrounded by
polytheists.
Finally, Ahmed points out, these two readings can
be combined, as they were by many medieval scholars.
Then the first half of the verse (the exhortation to
fight) is universal. The second is particular. That
is, believers are all called to struggle against
polytheism around them.
So Ahmed presents three plausible readings of the
verse at hand. That he is unable to decide between
them may be because 'there is no way to understand
war in this verse as anything other than a disturbing
course of action'. Ahmed prefers the universalist
reading because of its call to struggle against
injustice broadly defined. Yet he knows that his
preference needs to come under the same scrutiny as
those who use the vagueness of the text 'to justify
the theological or political machinations of the
reader'.
So where does that leave us? For Kelsay, the
brevity of the passage is an excuse to speed up and
leave it behind in favor of the commentaries. For
Ahmed, it is a reason to slow down and tarry longer,
dig deeper. Kelsay ends up with platitudes that
scarcely need the Qur'an. Ahmed ends up with precise
and detailed questions that would have been
impossible without patient and attentive reading.
Both Kelsay and Ahmed find ways 'to problematize the
relationship between war and the text'. Kelsay tries
to do so by subsuming war under the larger categories
of obedience and community formation. Ahmed does so
with a concluding paragraph consisting of series of
destabilizing 'it may be' statements directed, subtly
but surely, at Kelsay's reading. Kelsay leaves us
with a one-line solution tailor-made for the
machinations of the reader-Fight if God commands it
and if it forms a community. Ahmed leaves us
wondering if that is just a way to 'assuage our
conscience regarding the horrors that war
inflicts'.
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